Middle-class kids threw dynamite at cops. In early December, MAS held a massive assembly in Cochabamba to reorganize the party and popular organizations to take steps to confront Bolivia’s social and political crisis. To stand up to the consolidated right-wing in Bolivia, the left will have to create a strong, united front that cuts across historic divides. In condemning this act, we should not shut out left critiques by Bolivians of their leadership. So he did: Morales stepped down, flying to the rural province of Chapare where he began his political career and then seeking asylum in Mexico. While in office, his Movement Towards Socialism party has managed to reduce poverty by 42% and extreme poverty by 60%, cut unemployment in half and conduct a number of impressive public works programs. In contrast, there was no coverage at all in U.S. corporate media of the detailed new report from the independent Washington-based think tank CEPR, which claimed that the election results were “consistent” with the win totals announced. The New York Times (11/10/19) did not hide its approval at events, presenting Morales as a power-hungry despot who had finally “lost his grip on power,” claiming he was “besieged by protests” and “abandoned by allies” like the security services. This fall’s unfolding pattern of rightist revanchism, the role of oligarchic forces in funding opposition, and the final arbitrating role played by the military all point to a highly organized right-wing coup. Publicly, this civic organization consists of a board of directors, a president, a vice president, and a secretary who make practical policy decisions. On Sunday, meanwhile, footage circulated of what appeared to be a serving Bolivian soldier who claimed that Interior Minister Arturo Murillo was conspiring with army generals in a sinister plot to massacre Indigenous people and launch a coup should MAS win the election. Two days later, Áñez issued an executive order allowing the military to use force without legal consequence (essentially granting them impunity). In the case of Venezuela, Western journalists unironically call themselves “the resistance” to the government, and describe it as their No. As scholars Linda Farthing and Olivia Arigho-Stiles noted at NACLA, “Although the Morales government accepted the OAS audit as binding, questions have been raised about the organization’s impartiality and accuracy.” Nevertheless, Morales called for new elections in light of the report’s claim to have found “clear manipulations” of the voting system. We must recognize the limitations of MAS—to understand how and why the coup surfaced when it did, and to think about how the left might re-align in this post-Morales era. Associated Press articles: Copyright © 2016 The Associated Press. The movements who were initially the president’s support base were divided and degraded by a left that would allow only one possibility and wouldn’t allow autonomy.”. November 15 saw the deadliest crackdown in Bolivia in fourteen years, when security forces killed nine protesters near the Huayllani bridge in Sacaba, Cochabamba, and gravely injured hundreds. Áñez has also said Morales will face prosecution if he returns to Bolivia. Police in Santa Cruz ripped the same symbol from the sleeve of their uniforms. In many cases, the Morales government failed to consult with local communities about extractive projects despite this being written into the constitution. Áñez, a member of a small far-right party, the Plan Progress for Bolivia-National Convergence (PPB-CN), proclaimed herself president on November 12 before an almost empty legislature. The Organization of American States (OAS) issued a preliminary report on November 10 finding “serious irregularities” in the election. Bolivia is on the verge of a bloodbath, the Morning Star was told Oct. 12, after details emerged of another plan by right-wing forces to derail next … More recently, however, elites have appropriated the term Camba for themselves: de-Indianizing it, whitening it, and making it an acceptable designation for elites.